Political Sociology
Sajjad Sattari
Abstract
This article is a sequel of the article "The Power and Involuntary State of Exception in Iran" (Sattari 2022). By redefining "authority" (based on the three concepts of hegemony, social control and reproduction), the author explains the special existential conditions being formed in parallel with the ...
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This article is a sequel of the article "The Power and Involuntary State of Exception in Iran" (Sattari 2022). By redefining "authority" (based on the three concepts of hegemony, social control and reproduction), the author explains the special existential conditions being formed in parallel with the movement of Iranian society towards an involuntary state of exception by formulating the theoretical approach of "Oriental Post-Authority Society". His basic question is, what is the fundamental result of the gradual occurrence of involuntary state of exception in Iran? The author has five interrelated arguments:First: The persistence of the "general crisis of capital accumulation" and the "expansion of digital technology" in Iranian society paves the way for the occurrence of two fundamental transformations (first: the transformation of economic roots of classes, and second: the transformation of utopia and the politics of class life) and these two transformations enters the society in a unceasing process of re-creation of a new existential situation with the characteristic of "self-reliance and self-rule". The author calls this emerging existential situation as the formation of an "Oriental Post-Authority Society" in Iran.Second: The main tripod of this developing oriental post-authority society is (first: the gradual construction of a political anti-theology in society by relying on the theological concept of the State of Innocence, second: despair of the possibility of political revolution or collective fear of its consequences, and third: the growing tendency towards everyday social revolution as an emergency alternative to political revolution. Third: In the formation process of the oriental post-authority society in Iran, a "new class birth" occurs and leads to the "birth of an autonomous class" and "the beginning of class autonomy in the history of Iran". This significant event intensifies the process of "increasing class displacement" in the society and the new autonomous class expands the main tripod of the oriental post-authority society even more by bringing together some layers of other social classes. In this way, a special situation emerges in Iranian society, which the author calls "a single society with two conflicting social realms" (first: the social realm of authority, and second; the social realm of anti-authority.Fourth: With the passage of time and due to the "generational transformation of traditional leaders", the social realm of anti-authority gains more expansion in society, particularly through the continuous impeachment and negation of official authorities and their desired symbolic order, the new autonomous class gradually exposes the social realm of authority to passivity, more social suspension, and even the potential danger of dissolution. In such a situation, a fundamental conflict between the "order, interests and survival" of the members of these two social realms (or the social realm of authority, and the social realm of anti-authority) is subsequently formed and the ground is paved for the outset of an inclusive dialectic in the society. The author calls this special event "the dialectic of official social authoritarianism with informal social anti-authoritarianism" and considers its gradual synthesis to be the "ambivalent crisis of praxis of power elites and social forces in the society".Fifth: The emergence of ambivalent crisis of praxis causes "mutual inability of power elites and social forces to conquer each other" and this exposes both actors to "erosion and historical recess". With the passage of time, this ambivalent crisis of praxis launches the room for the emergence of a situation that the author calls "involuntary collective aporia" (or the state of astonishment and intractability of basic problems in Iranian society). The continuation of this involuntary collective aporia causes existential anxiety and the spread of "pervasive general paranoia" in the society. This pervasive general disorder accelerates the process of suspension and social dissolution of traditional authorities and the process of the formation of the post-authority society in Iran.)Based on these five arguments, the article has five sections. In the first section; by providing a new definition of authority, the author explains the impact of the society's movement towards an involuntary state of exception in the "transformation of economic roots of classes" and the "transformation of utopia and the politics of class life" and, consequently, the beginning of the process of "formation of the oriental post-authority society" in Iran. In the second section; He determines the nature of this oriental post-authority society and its three main tripod. In the third section; the author explains the issue of "new class manifestation" or the birth of an "autonomous social class" in Iran and the impact of this "class autonomy" on development of the oriental post-authority society in Iran. In the fourth section; He describes the process of increasing social suspension and the gradual dissolution of the social realm of authority and, as a result, the "emergence of a single society with two conflicting social realms" in Iran. In the fifth section; the author mainly describes the process of occurrence of a dialectic (or dialectic of official social authoritarianism and informal social anti-authoritarianism) and its gradual synthesis, i.e. "ambivalent crisis of praxis of power elites and social forces" dealing with its conditional future.
Sajjad Sattari
Abstract
The author considers Schmitt's and Agamben's state of exception as "Voluntary State of Exception" and propose a new type of state of exception (entitled "Involuntary State of Exception"). Then he explains the foundation and possibility of this second type of state of exception in Iranian society. The ...
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The author considers Schmitt's and Agamben's state of exception as "Voluntary State of Exception" and propose a new type of state of exception (entitled "Involuntary State of Exception"). Then he explains the foundation and possibility of this second type of state of exception in Iranian society. The author's main argument is that by the gradual combination of the four inevitable super-events (including "general crisis of capital accumulation", "expansion of digital technology in everyday life", "increasing class displacement" and "generational transformation of the dominant traditional power elites"), Iranian society is on the path of a triple great imbalance and an all-out historical discontinuity and ultimately, entering an involuntary state of exception. The author calls this potential state of exception as "Fundamental Question of Iran" and determines the specific process of its occurrence in four stages including "early formation", "great transformation", "liminality", and "hour of involuntary state of exception".According to the author, with the beginning of the "liminality stage" and especially with the oncoming of the "hour of involuntary state of exception" in Iranian society, the existential condition of power elites and social forces transform and everyone feel that they have entered a new historical stage. Therefore, excitement, anxiety and conflict grow in the society. From his point of view, although Iranian involuntary state of exception is not an ultimate and constant situation and there is a possibility of rethinking; However, both power elites and social forces are exposed to some specific great paradoxes.
Sajjad Sattari
Abstract
Purpose: With a new approach different from the common theories of the social contract, the writer has tried to propose the necessity and possibility of establishing a Middle Eastern tradition of social contract, especially in hydrocarbonic societies in the Middle East, and describe its nature, possibility ...
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Purpose: With a new approach different from the common theories of the social contract, the writer has tried to propose the necessity and possibility of establishing a Middle Eastern tradition of social contract, especially in hydrocarbonic societies in the Middle East, and describe its nature, possibility and existence.
Methodology: The article has used the Explanative approach
Findings: This study has six main findings: first, social contract in the West was the result of the historical need of individual /society/ bourgeoisie to the absolute state (from the sixteenth century to the eighteenth); but social contract in the Middle East, will be the result of the Middle East’s both quasi-absolute and absolute states’ need to individual / society / bourgeoisie in the Twenty-First Century. Second, in parallel with » developments in commodity«, »movement of Consciousness in the Middle East«, and consequently, » structural transformation of the public sphere in the horizon of these societies«, dominant power elites in the Middle East lose the possibility of complete independence from “individual, society and knowledge/ capital /bourgeoisie technology” everyday and more and more. Thus, the historical equation of “strong states/weak societies” is changed gradually especially in the hydrocarbon societies of the Middle East and “empowering societies/ declining states” are formed along with.
Third, With the historical continuity of this process, at a moment of horizon of Middle East hydrocarbonic societies, a balance of power between state and society is formed and thus, “moment of power compulsion”, “Middle Eastern state of exception” and “exceeding tendency to the birth of subjectivity” have happened in the Middle East. Only at this moment and situation, not out of which, it is possible to move towards gradual establishment of a Middle Eastern type of social contract in these societies. Forth, All societies of the Middle East do not reach the moment of society and state power equality at the same time and alike. Nevertheless, in parallel with approaching this situation and moment, dominant power elites in these societies are faced with the dilemma of choosing “course of the violence, revolution and war” or “peaceful course of social contractualism”. Fifth, Success of new contractualism process depends on two fundamental prerequisite: “violence avoidance of the dominant power elites” and “tradition acceptance of change-seekers social forces” in the moment of power compulsion and Middle Eastern exceptional situation. Sixth, Moving toward the three pillars “new legitimate constitutionalism”, “tax Leviathan” and “responsibility-based constitution orientation” is the most justifiable logic compatible with the Middle Eastern social contract. With these pillars, possibility of occurrence of Middle Eastern social contract is practically better, because it guarantees traditional power benefit and new public will both.
Originality/Value: This study provides new and deep-rooted themes for thought, guidance for political action and a guarantee for benefit of traditional power and public good in the horizon of the Middle East hydrocarbonic societies
Sajjad Sattari
Abstract
The present article is an attempt to describe the elementary forms of petro-life in the Middle East. I have tried to provide the readers, as far as possible, with a coherent theoretical framework about Middle East petro-societies by formulating “Hydrocarbonism” (as an alternative approach ...
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The present article is an attempt to describe the elementary forms of petro-life in the Middle East. I have tried to provide the readers, as far as possible, with a coherent theoretical framework about Middle East petro-societies by formulating “Hydrocarbonism” (as an alternative approach to Rentierism) and by proposing a series of new concepts such as “Hydrocarbonic Man and Society, Hydrocarbonic Mode of Production, Quasi-Market, Middle Eastern State of Nature, Welfare Technocracy, Rent Wishing Syndrom, Social-X-Factor, Middle Eastern Social Contract, and Tax Leviathan”.These concepts have had a central position in my perception of life of mind and living experience of human beings in the Middle East petro-societies. By proposing these concepts in the political economy and political sociology of Middle East, I wish to answer the fundamental question of “How can we understand the nature and the work procedure of Middle East petro-societies and the elementary forms of life inside them?.” In this regard, I have presented five basic arguments as follows:First of all; “Tradition, Petroleum and Quasi-Market” are a unified totality and the main sources of transition in the Middle East petro-societies from “Hydraulic Mode of Production” in Pre-Capitalist era to a “Hydrocarbonic Mode of Production” in twentieth century. These three inseparable sources, above all, have influenced the life of mind and the living experience of man in the Middle East petro-societies more than any other factor. Such resources as tradition, petroleum and quasi-market have given a particular feature to these societies which comprises a special internal dynamism to which are added their own content and values.Second, we can assume the endless unity of “Tradition, Petroleum and Quasi-Market” as a sort of “Middle Eastern State of Nature” which underlies establishment of a “Welfare Technocracy” (potent or impotent) in these hydrocarbonic societies. In such a condition, elites of power take advantage of welfare technocracy in order to continuously purchase political goods from social markets, an action which consequently ends in manipulation and distortion of “income, consumption and political life” in their own social context.Third, the result of this “Middle Eastern State of Nature” is the passivity of human subject due to his weakness and benefit at the same time and this State of Nature solves constantly “dilemma of reproduction” of established paradigms of power in these societies.Fourth, inability of welfare technocracy in the ongoing generation of “social-X-factor” gradually led to extreme alienation, decline of all forms of capital and finally, decrease in “sustainable economic growth along with embedded political development” in these societies.Fifth, moving towards a kind of “Middle Eastern Social Contract” and establishing a “Tax Leviathan” is a passing prerequisite, however, it is difficult and complicated for the Middle East hydrocarbonic societies. They have to leave their own specific state of nature and move towards their own especial social state.In order to understand the nature, work procedure and elementary forms of life in the Middle East hydrocarbonic societies, I have focused on these societies in their specific historical horizon and their own social context. I have also tried to reconstruct the experience of hydrocarbonic human via empathetic experience of his world-life.Accordingly, in the first section of the article, while describing the insufficiency of Rentisism literature, I present the “Hydrocarbonism” as an alternative approach. In the second part, I define the hydrocarbonic human and society as well as hydrocarbonic mode of production and I explain the historical process of constructing Hydrocarbonism in the Middle East petro-societies. In the third section, I focus on the causes of permanent unity and alloy-type mixture of “tradition, petroleum and quasi-market” and have described how to turn it to a kind of “state of nature” in the Middle East hydrocarbonic societies. In the fourth part, I explain the logic behind establishing welfare technocracy and its instrumental nature in the Middle East hydrocarbonic societies. In the fifth section, I elaborate the passivity of hydrocarbonic human due to his simultaneous weaknesses and benefits. In the sixth section, I explain the life of mind and the living experience of man in the Middle East hydrocarbonic societies. In the seventh part, I focus on the internal contradictions of these societies and at the end, I describe the necessity of moving towards a kind of “Middle Eastern social contract” and establishing a “tax Leviathan” in the Middle East hydrocarbonic societies.
